南韓的政治發展中，地域政治是一個重要的面向。從行政區域的角度來看，南韓共有九個「道」，分別為：京畿道（Kyonggi-do）、江原道（Kangwon-do）、忠清北道（Chungchongbuk-do）、忠清南道（Chungchongnam-do）、慶尚北道（Kyongsangbuk-do）、慶尚南道（Kyongsangnam-do）、全羅北道（Chollabuk-do）、全羅南道（Chollanam-do）和濟州道（Cheju-do）。（參見右附圖）
向來南韓的執政者都出於慶尚南北道（古稱嶺南영남），如朴正熙、全斗煥、盧泰愚都是慶尚北道（特別是大邱Taegu，因此被稱為TK幫대국.경벅）出生，而金泳三則為慶尚南道的南韓第一大港釜山（Pusan）出生（以此其附庸被稱為PK幫벅산.경남）。
南韓在朴正熙時代開始「發展型國家」的發展歷程，因此在國家機器的支助之下，位處東南，執政者出身的嶺南地區，出現了較多由財閥所支配的製造業；相反的，西南方湖南地區（全羅道古稱湖南호남）是以農村為主，並且較少有財閥為主的製造產業。而全斗煥發動雙十二事變後更激起了全羅地區人民的反感。在慶尚南北道出身的執政者，長期忽略全羅南北道人民的利益之下，金大中在九八年大統領選舉時於全羅南北道拿下近95%的票，這顯然是數十年來被壓迫者反撲意志的集體展現。
接替金大中的盧武鉉雖然出身在慶尚南道的金海市，但是自幼家境清寒，雖然僅高中畢業，但靠苦學出身而以高中學歷通過司法考試，日後更成為八０年代學運世代的人權律師。因此他雖然出身嶺南，但階級屬性卻較接近於湖南。而南韓的地域政治在大統領彈劾案之後緊接而來的國會議員選舉當中，「開放的我們黨」在韓國的西半邊，包括首都圈、全羅道、忠清道、濟洲道裡，獲得了大部份的席次，「大國家黨」則是東半邊的慶尚道和江原道得到了大部份的席次，民主黨和自由民主傳統的大票倉沒落，進而成為一種東西對決的情勢。因此，「地域」（或出身地），就像是台灣的「省籍」或「族群」，被視為南韓選舉研究中，一個重要的變項。
這種地域政治一直以來影響著南韓的政治發展，但開啟民主化過程後，自金泳三擔任大統領起，輿論界就開始聲討前軍人獨裁，因此金泳三逮捕了全斗煥與盧泰愚之後，南韓便展開了一段「清算前政府政治人物」的歷程。由於南韓地域關係強烈，因此一個執政者上台後，其任用的人才與親信，通常與其有地緣關係。一個有趣的現象是，在南韓，當下一任繼任者上任後，便出現對前任繼任者人馬的清算，因此跟隨著政權的替換而成為「司正」（司法審判）的目標。因此而朴正熙、全斗煥、盧泰愚時代，的TK幫（大邱、慶北），在金泳三上台後多有被清算；金泳三的PK幫（釜山、慶南），在金大中繼任時也不少人被審判。也趣的是由於金大中時代執政後期醜聞日益增多，因此湖南幫的人馬也大量列入司法審判之中。《東亞日報》在13日做了一個報導，並附上有趣的圖表，以論證此間有所關連。
這樣的一個現象，一方面顯現出執政者以政治力量去揮舞司法這把劍；但另一方面更突顯出南韓的政治人物在掌握權力之後，常常不可避免的腐化。「絕對的權力，造成絕對的腐化！」中外皆然，南韓呈獻的是一種事後對正義的追尋歷程。但如果沒有真正民主的制衡，似乎也只能不斷的重複這種歷史的軌跡。
（以下這篇中文翻譯由於字詞的使用並不甚親近，因此同時附上英文版以供大大們比對。）
TK→PK→湖南出身成爲“司正目標”
JANUARY 13, 2005 22:44
對執政勢力來說，司正這把刀是很難忽視的誘惑。不論古今中外，執政勢力在政權初期或面臨危機局面時，一向是通過大幅度的司正方式來改變政治社會氛圍，試圖交替主導勢力，並鞏固執政基礎的。
1993年以後，我國社會的支配勢力以地區基礎發生了3次變化。金泳三政權和金大中政權的地區性特色都較強，而現在的盧武鉉政權也同樣具有某種程度上的地區性。
據本報採訪團分析的司正結果，反映出了這些政權和司正物件間的函數關係。
在以釜山慶南(PK)爲基礎的金泳三政權時期，曾是此前的支配勢力的大邱慶北(TK)出身的實權人士成爲了司正物件。
在464名全體分析物件中，在金泳三 政權(1993∼1997年)時期被起訴的人士（政治人、高位公務員、自治團體張、國營企業的幹部、法律界人士等）共有131名。將他們按照出身地區來進行分類的結果，TK出身的人有36名（27.4%），人數最多。而PK出身的人有17名，湖南出身的人有18名（13.7%）。
在PK政權時期司正調查正在全面進行時，檢察當局周邊曾在此前的TK政權身居要職的TK人士被大舉拘留，從而出現了“墜落的TK連翅膀都沒有”的比喻。而這句話後來被證明爲並不是一句玩笑。
以湖南爲基礎的金大中政權上臺以後，PK出身的人士遭到了與TK人士一樣的下場。
在金大中 政權(1998∼2002年)時期被起訴的實權派人士有175名。這段期間TK出身的人和PK政權時期相比，人員（33名）和比率（18.9%）都有所減少。而PK出身的人員（31名）和比率（17.7%）則全都大幅增長。
奇怪的是，在金大中政權時期，湖南出身的35名（20.0%）實權派人士竟然成爲了司正物件。這被看作是因在金大中政權末期的各種“大門”事件，大多數權力層人士都受到調查而引起的。
2003年盧武鉉政權上臺之後，因大選資金調查等，有許多實權派人士都成爲了司正物件。
到2004年年末爲止，2年來被掌握的司正物件的實權派人士共有158名。這些人中湖南出身的有46名（29.1%），人數最多。TK出身（24名，15.2%）則持續著減少趨勢，PK出身（22名，13.9%）和從前相比也減少了很多。
像這樣的現象說明是每當政權被交替時，以前政權的主要精英會紛紛成爲了司正物件，而其留下的空缺則由新政權的主要精英佔據，如果政權再一次被交替，同樣的現象就會重復出現。
因此，有人對於司正的意圖提出了疑問，因爲這無異于喪失了司正的純潔性，變質成爲了針對了前任的主導勢力的針對性“司正”。
但是，即便如此，這也並不意味著司正物件就得到了免死金牌。因爲不管司正的動機如何，提供司正的藉口本身就是腐敗，而且也違反了法律。
TK→PK→Honam Figures, “Targets for Audit and Inspection” Following the Ruling Government
The audit and inspection “sword” is a temptation hard to turn away from to the force in power. Regardless of the time, the force in power has consolidated its power base by changing the political and social atmosphere through a large-scale audit and inspection during the beginning of a government that has just launched or in a critical situation, and attempting to change the leading force.
After 1993, our society’s ruling power underwent three changes based on regional foundation. The Kim Young-sam (YS) government and Kim Dae-jung (DJ) government showed strong regional colors and the current Roh Moo-hyun government also shows regional colors to some level.
The analysis of the audit and inspection results by the Dong-A Ilbo reporters shows that there is a functional relation between these governments and the targets for the audit and inspection.
During the YS government, with its base in the Pusan/Kyeongnam (PK) area, the targets brought up for audit and inspection were concentrated on major figures from the Taegu/Kyeongbuk (TK) area, which was the previous ruling power.
Among the 464 people analyzed, a total 131 people (politicians, high-ranking public officials, heads of local governments, executives of public enterprises, those with legal profession, and etc.) were charged during the YS government (1993~1997). Classifying these people by their hometown, those from TK comprised the most with 36 people (27.4 percent). On the other hand, those from PK comprised 17 (12.9 percent) and Honam had 18 (13.7 percent).
At the peak of the audit and inspection during the PK government, the words “There are even no wings for the falling TK” went about among the prosecution, insinuating the situation where many TK figures having key positions in the TK government were arrested. These words are proved that it was not just a joke.
After the DJ government, with its Honam district base, launching, PK figures followed the same steps of the TK figures who had given up their positions to them.
One hundred seventy-five major figures were charged during the DJ government (1998~2002). During this period, the number (33 people) and rate (18.9 percent) of TK figures dropped compared to the PK government. On the other hand, the number (31 people) and rate (17.7 percent) of PK figures increased greatly.
The interesting matter is that 35 major figures (20.0 percent) from the Honam district were brought up as targets for audit and inspection in the DJ government. This seems to be from the various “gate” cases at the end of the DJ government, in which many in the ruling power went through investigation.
After the Roh Moo-hyun government launched in 2003, many major figures were brought up for audit and inspection with the investigation into presidential campaign funds.
The major figures for audit and inspection during the two years, from 2003 to the end of 2004, are grasped to be some 158 people. Among them, those from the Honam district comprised the most with 46 (29.1 percent) people. TK members (24 people, 15.2 percent) are in a downward trend, and PK members (22 people, 13.9 percent) have dropped significantly compared to the past.
These results show that when a government changes, the power elites from the previous government are intensely brought up as targets for audit and inspection, and their empty places are taken by the power elites from the new government. When the government changes, this same situation repeats.
For this reason, suspicions have been brought up for the intentions of audit and inspection that it has lost its original pure intention and is deteriorating into a “target audit and inspection” aimed at the previous ruling power.
However, this does not mean that those targets for audit and inspection will be pardoned. Whatever the motive for the audit and inspection was, it is their corruption or violation of the law which has given the cause for the audit and inspection.
정권따라 TK→PK→호남출신 사정타깃
20050113175259
JANUARY 13, 2005 22:44
1993년 이후 우리 사회의 지배세력은 지역적 기반을 기준으로 3차례 변화가 있었다. 김영삼 정권과 김대중 정권은 지역적 특색이 강했으며 현재의 노무현 정권 역시 어느 정도 수준의 지역성을 갖고 있다.
본보 취재팀의 사정 결과 분석은 이들 정권과 사정 대상자들의 함수관계를 보여준다.
부산경남(PK)을 기반으로 한 YS 정권에서는 그 직전의 지배세력이었던 대구경북(TK) 출신 거물급 인사들이 집중적으로 사정 대상에 올랐다.
전체 분석 대상 464명 가운데 YS 정권(19931997년) 때 기소된 인사(정치인, 고위 공무원, 자치단체장, 공기업 간부, 법조인 등)는 모두 131명. 이들을 출신지역별로 분류해 보면 TK 출신이 36명(27.4%)으로 가장 많았다. 반면 PK 출신은 17명(12.9%), 호남 출신은 18명(13.7%)이었다.
호남을 기반으로 한 DJ 정권이 출범한 이후에는 PK 출신이 그 이전에 자신들에게 정권을 내준 TK 출신의 전철을 되풀이했다.
DJ 정권(19982002년)에서 기소된 거물급은 175명. 이 기간에 TK 출신은 PK 정권 때에 비해 인원(33명)과 비율(18.9%) 모두 줄었다. 반면 PK 출신은 인원(31명)과 비율(17.7%) 모두 크게 늘었다.
2003년 노무현 정권이 들어선 이후에도 대선자금 수사 등으로 거물급 인사들이 사정 대상에 많이 올랐다.
2004년 말까지 2년간 파악된 사정 대상 거물급 인사는 158명. 이들 중 호남 출신이 46명(29.1%)으로 가장 많았다. TK 출신(24명, 15.2%)은 계속 감소 추세였고 PK 출신(22명, 13.9%)도 그 이전에 비해 많이 줄었다.
이 같은 결과는 정권이 바뀔 때마다 이전 정권의 파워엘리트들이 집중적으로 사정의 대상이 되고 그 공백을 새 정권의 파워엘리트들이 차지하며 다시 정권이 바뀌면 똑같은 현상이 반복된다는 사실을 보여준다.
이 때문에 사정의 의도에 대해 의심이 제기되기도 한다. 사정 작업이 당초의 순수성을 잃고 이전의 주도세력을 겨냥한 표적 사정으로 변질되는 게 아니냐는 것이다.
그러나 그렇다고 해서 사정 대상자들이 면죄부를 받는 것은 아니다. 사정의 동기야 어찌 됐든 사정의 빌미를 제공한 것은 자신들이 부패하거나 법을 어겼기 때문이다.
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